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Bottom of PageMiddle of PageBlair Wins Second Term in Office

British General Election 7th/8th June 2001

MPs returned - from BBC New Online

Labour: 413 Cons: 166 Lib Dems: 52 Others: 10

The Daily Express: "We are the Champions!" (8th June 2001)
Tony Blair (left) celebrating Labour's historic second win in succession with jubilant wife Cherie.

After a century of Conservative predominance in government, Tony Blair has won an historic successive second term victory for New Labour. In contrast to the 1997 general election the party's celebrations were kept low-key and away from the eyes of the media.

The shock of New Labour's victory also led to the unexpected resignation of the embattled - but courageous - William Hague as leader of the Conservative Party. The extent of Blair's victory, in spite of the lowest turnout since the First World War (approximately 60% of the electorate voted), plunged the Tories into post-election turmoil and the search for a new all-embracing leader.

The Conservatives got into a muddle quite early on in the general election over their pledge and countdown to "Save The Pound." Throughout the campaign the Tories presented themselves as the only party that could and would save sterling from abolition in favour of the euro. In fact Britain's relationship with the European Union, and the euro, were placed high up on the Tory agenda against the relative disinterest of the electorate. Missing out on voters' demands and the chance to primarily argue for better public services, the Tories placed too much focus on the euro debate without showing how EMU could affect these services.

The Tories also fell into another trap of their own making. It was suggested that the general election was going to be the only fair "referendum" on the issue. Indeed Conservative Party chairman Michael Ancram said on the BBC's On the Record, 3rd June 2001, that the "referendum would not be fought on an even basis," because the government has "already put into legislation the means to ensure that the "Yes" campaign would have more money than the "No" campaign." With respect to the Government he argued that there is "every indication that they would treat this, as they did the referendums at the beginning of the last parliament, when they used all the resources of government to make sure that they bounced people into decisions."

Shadow Foreign Secretary Francis Maude speaking against European integration in North Finchley during the Tories' General Election campaign.BBC Newsnight's Jeremy Paxman, BBC Question Time's David Dimbleby and ITV's Jonathan Dimbleby, and a whole host of other journalists, picked up on the Tories' use and eventual avoidance of the term "referendum" in context to the general election. Senior Tories, such as William Hague and shadow foreign minister Francis Maude, were asked whether they would concede defeat over saving the pound if the Tories lost the election.

Near the end of the campaign, and particularly as it became clear that Tony Blair would form a successive Labour administration, they were forced to accept that there would be a second chance to "Save the Pound." Michael Ancram said the Tories felt that "this election is the last chance of having a fair vote on keeping the pound and we hope people will take that chance." The people did not take up that chance.

As a result the Conservatives were forced to alter their language. As illustrated by Michael Ancram the Conservatives argued that Tony Blair would not allow a fair referendum on the euro, because he could fix the question and that the "Yes" camp would receive significantly more funds than the eurosceptics' movement. New Labour denied the charge, and backed the Liberal Democrats in vilifying the Conservative Party for "not trusting the people." It also left the Conservatives open to criticism, leaving them accused of trying to avoid a referendum on the issue. Yet deputy Lib Dem leader Alan Beith also attacked New Labour's policy, based on Gordon Brown's five economic tests. He argued that the Liberal Democrats are the only party to guarantee a referendum in the next parliament.

He said: "The Conservatives will not give you a referendum at all because they have decided that in the next parliament the issue can't be considered, after that who knows? The Labour Party are saying, 'if we decide that the time is right to go in', especially if Gordon Brown decides it's alright to go in - then we'll have a referendum." No matter how credible or incredible the pledges of the Lib Dems were, the Conservatives, New Labour and political analysts agreed that the Lib Dems were unlikely to form the next government anyway. So the Liberal Democrat's promises, even though it helped to increase their number of seats in the new parliament, were largely taken as a pinch of salt. The Lib Dem pro-European stance, and its electoral gains, further mocked the Conservatives eurosceptical stance.

New Labour tried to control the European debate by accusing, alongside the Lib Dems, the Tories of being a party of right-wing extremists. The Conservative call to lock up asylum seekers, spearheaded by shadow home secretary Anne Widdecombe, in "reception centres", or "detention centres" as others put it, appeared to frame the Tory party as such in the minds of most of the electorate. Therefore on election night scores of successful Labour candidates, including Tory defector Shaun Woodward, proclaimed New Labour as the new all-inclusive "one nation" party of the United Kingdom. In a bid to keep out the Tories, the electorate backed the Lib Dems by presenting themselves as the party of "honesty." The Lib Dems also accused William Hague of sparking off the riots in Oldham, "by playing the race card."

The dent of voter apathy, and the eventual resignation of William Hague, wasn't the only shock of the campaign. The British National Party (BNP) won 16% of the vote in Oldham following racial disturbances in the town, its largest result in a general election. Yet the biggest surprise to most people, particularly Conservatives, was Tony Blair's ability to secure such a large majority of 175 seats, against a poor record - disclosed by BBC Panorama two days before polling day - of broken promises from the 1997 election covering Labour's key electoral issues of health, education, the police, transport and the state of other public services. In his first four years of power Tony Blair, in comparison to 18 years of Conservative rule, faced more scandals than ever. In 1997 the Tories were punished its troubles, but in 2001 New Labour was forgiven to the surprise of many.

Other than Mr. Hague, and the Conservatives in general, the main casualty of Tony Blair's victory has been the pound. It has fell to a 15 year low against the US dollar ($1.30), as speculators awaited the announcement of an early referendum on Britain's entry into the euro. The pound continues to be troubled by the general election result, and has since fallen a cent further against the US dollar. This is in spite of the Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown's assurances that there will not be an early referendum, and that his five economic tests must be met before a government recommendation for British entry can be made to the electorate. Gordon Brown is resisting calls by Britain in Europe for the Government to stop "pussy-footing" on the issue and to come out fighting in favour of the euro.

EU Commission president Romano Prodi undermined Tony Blair's campaign during the general election though, by calling for greater European integration and arguing for increasing the powers of the EU within Brussels. New Labour throughout the general election had tried to dismiss Conservative claims that too much power had been given to Brussels already, and that New Labour would preside over an increase in the EU's powers over individual member states' elected parliaments. The Irish have also rejected the Treaty of Nice, which surprised even the most enthusiastic of europhiles because Eire has benefited the most from the European Union, and is generally considered to be the most enthusiastic EU member state.

It's therefore no surprise that Tony Blair, in his latest cabinet reshuffle, has demoted or sacked the most vocal of euro supporters from the previous administration. Casualties include the former Trade and Industry Secretary Stephen Byers and the former foreign secretary Robin Cook. Jack Straw has replaced Robin Cook in the foreign office, and the appointment is very much welcomed by the Treasury. Tony Blair appears to be purging the Government of any potential sources of scandal or controversy. The former Europe minister Keith Vaz, even though he has been taken ill since the revelations of the Hinduja Affair, is but one other casualty aside the re-branding of a number of ministries and particularly the abolition of the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (MAFF).

A spokesman from the Treasury spoke warmly about the appointment of Jack Straw in the Daily Telegraph on 10th June 2001: "Jack Straw is well known for his support for the government's current policy on euro membership." Stephen Byers has moved sideways to the Department of Transport, while Robin Cook is now the leader of the House of Commons. It is perhaps hoped that there will be no more cabinet leaks, and that the euro will be laid to rest until Gordon Brown decides to call a referendum.

Tony Blair may be trying to appease all sections of British society, or show that he means business in historic second successive term of office, but he still has a lot to prove. His first goal must surely be to meet the promises he first made in 1997, before he can achieve those he aspires too in his new administration. Meanwhile the euro remains "low priority" for the new government.

Bottom of PageMiddle of Page

Graham Jarvis MA, 13th June 2001


One Euro and One Pound Coin.

Seeking a Better Future: Russia and Europe.

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